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RRL, LXV, 2, p. 145–158, Bucureşti, 2020

AND A SE AFLA ‘BE SITUATED’

ON THE GRAMMATICALIZATION SCALE

1

MĂDĂLINA BOTEZ STĂNESCU, ADINA DRAGOMIRESCU2

Abstract. In this paper we test the hypothesis that, in contrast to motion (change of location) verbs, which can simultaneously acquire two grammatical values (they become either copulas or aspectual verbs), location verbs, due to their reduced semantic complexity, develop only one grammatical value (i.e. copula). Since the diachronic process is not easy to capture and since it is not a typical case of grammaticalization (the morphological and, partially, syntactic features of the lexical verb being preserved), we use corpus analysis in order to identify the ambiguous context which favoured the reanalysis of two Romanian verbs, a rămâne ‘remain’ and a se afla ‘be situated’ and we correlate the data from old Romanian to grammaticalization stages of auxiliaries.

Keywords: grammaticalization, reanalysis, location verb, copula.

1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background

The grammaticalization of motion verbs (change of location and location verbs) as tense and aspect auxiliaries or as passive auxiliaries is largely represented cross- linguistically and well-studied for the Romance languages (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuka 1994: 269, Squartini 1999, 2003, Heine and Kuteva 2002, Stolova 2005, Dragomirescu and Nicolae 2014). By contrast, the grammaticalization of motion verbs as copulas does not seem to be attested in the world’s languages, as can be seen from Heine et Kuteva’s 2002 World lexicon of grammaticalization (although, for a possible exception in Sri Lanka Malay, see Nordhoff 2011).

However, in Romanian, many motion verbs may also occur as copulas, taking either subject predicative complements or object predicative complements: a ajunge ‘arrive >

become’, a ieşi ‘go out > become’, a (se) prinde ‘catch > become’, a rămâne ‘remain > be,

1 This work was supported by a grant of Ministry of Research and Innovation, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-III-P1-1.1-TE-2016-0341, within PNCDI III.

A preliminary version of this paper was presented in the workshop on The Grammaticalization of Motion Verbs in Romance (September 20-21, 2019, University of Bucharest).

2 “Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti” Institute of Linguistics / University of Bucharest / The Research Institute of the University of Bucharest. E-mails: [email protected], [email protected].

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remain in a state’, a trece de ‘pass > be considered’, a (se) ţine ‘keep, hold > be’, a veni

‘come > be’. These verbs have in common a dynamic value, their meaning being rather

‘become’ than just ‘be’. On a more widespread path of grammaticalization, many aspectual and inceptive verbs originate from motion verbs: a (se) apuca de ‘catch > start’, a se opri din ‘stop (somewhere) > stop to’, a se porni pe ‘depart > start to’, a prinde a/să ‘catch >

start’, a se pune pe ‘sit > start’, a urma ‘follow > be about to’, a sta să ‘stay, sit > be about to’, a-i veni să ‘come > feel like’. There is at least one motion verb used as a passive auxiliary: a veni ‘come’; a rămâne ‘remain’ and a se afla ‘be situated’ also seem to have a passive (semi)auxiliary usage. The analysis of these verbs is the aim of a collective research project, see https://irhunibuc.wordpress.com/2018/10/04/moving-towards-aspect-copula- and-passive-the-diachronic-reanalysis-of-motion-verbs-in-romanian-mov/.

1.2. Working hypothesis

In this paper we aim to test the working hypothesis of the entire project, i.e. the fact that a verb expressing motion develops both a copulative value and an aspectual one (one of the two values being more prominent), whereas a location verb may acquire only one grammaticalized value. This idea was never formulated before in the literature, but cases in which an entire class of verbs grammaticalize in a systematic manner are known from previous work. For instance, Dik (1987) provides an analysis of the propensity of copula verbs towards grammaticalization as auxiliaries.

The first part of our hypothesis is already supported by certain verbs having originally a motion (or postural) meaning, which developed both a copulative value and an aspectual one.

The verb a (se) ţine ‘to keep/hold’ (see Dragomirescu 2018) has a copulative usage in (1) and it is an aspectual verb in (2).

(1) a. El se ţine tare/tânăr.

‘He is strong/young.’

b. El se ţine văr cu Ion.

‘He is John’s cousin.’

(2) a. El se ţine de treabă.

‘He keeps working.’

b. El se ţine de prostii.

‘He keeps doing stupid things.’

c. Şedinţa ţine două ore.

‘The meeting is two hours long.’

The verb a (se) prinde ‘catch’ (see Botez Stănescu 2019) is a copula in (3) and an aspectual verb in (4).

(3) Ion se prinde tovarăş cu noi.

‘John becomes our friend.’

(4) Oile prind a făta.

‘The sheep start to calve.’

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In the same line, a veni ‘come’ (Pană Dindelegan 1974: 262–264, Dragomirescu and Nicolae 2014, in press, Boioc and Costea 2019, Boioc Apintei and Costea 2020, this issue) is a copula in (5) and an inceptive (aspectual) verb in (6).

(5) El îmi vine văr.

‘He is my cousin.’

(6) Îmi vine să plâng.

‘I feel like crying.’

1.3. Methodology and theoretical framework

Using a large corpus of old Romanian texts, we aim to identify, for each case, the

“switch context” (Heine 2002: 85) which favoured reanalysis, given that “surface ambiguity” is one of the conditions that reanalysis depends on (Harris and Campbell 1995: 51).

We use the working definitions for grammaticalization and reanalysis, formulated in the current generative models. We embrace the simplest definition of grammaticalization, as the process by which lexical items become functional items; in a technical sense, this represents upward movement on the clausal spine, from the lexical area to the functional domain (and subsequent direct merger in the functional domain) (Roberts and Roussou 2003: 20, 36, 194). It is worth mentioning from the beginning that none of the verbs mentioned is fully grammaticalized. The most advanced on the grammaticalization scale is a veni ‘come’ as passive auxiliary. The other verbs only underwent reanalysis. Sometimes it is possible to follow Heine’s (1993) grammaticalization stages for auxiliation in order to determine the position of each verb on the scale. Given that grammaticalization is not the most helpful theoretical tool one can employ for the study of these verbs, we need to bring into the picture the concept of reanalysis, understood as “a mechanism which changes the underlying structure of a syntactic pattern and which does not involve any modification of its surface manifestation” (Harris and Campbell 1995: 50).

Therefore, the aim of this paper is the examination of two verbs expressing location (as opposed to motion): a rămâne ‘remain’ and a se afla ‘be situated’, which are currently used as copulas. Our analysis is based on corpus study, precisely on the investigation of the corpus used for The Syntax of Old Romanian (SOR); although we have investigated a larger corpus, we have mentioned in the Sources only the texts from which the examples used in this article have been excerpted. Our analysis has two major objectives: (i) identifying the switch context and the factors favouring the change from location to copula, and (ii) verifying the second part of our working hypothesis, i.e. location verbs diachronically acquire only one grammatical value, the copulative one in these two cases.

2. STATE OF THE ART

The inventory of the copulative verbs in Romanian, both in the modern language and in the old language, is a controversial problem which we will not take issue with here.

We simply consider that a copula verb takes a predicative complement or the clausal equivalent of it. SOR (2016: 171) mentions that, in old Romanian, there is a class of

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copulas whose origin is the class of location verbs. Of these, only a ajunge ‘arrive’ (7) and a rămâne ‘remain’ (8) have been preserved as copulas in the present-day standard language, whereas a sta ‘stay’ (9) is no longer used as a copula (but only as an aspectual verb, see Dragomirescu 2011, Boioc Apintei and Dragomirescu 2019).

(7) a. se nu se şi aceştia

SUBJ not CL.REFL3PL also these afle cumnaţi (Prav.1581: 267r) be.placed.SUBJ.3PL brothers-in-law.NOM ‘these ones do not have to be brothers-in-law’

b. omulu cela ce se află

man.DEF.NOM that which CL.REFL.3SG be.situated.IND.PRES.3SG

nevinovatu (CC2.1581: 53) unguilty.NOM

‘that man, who is not guilty’

c. de să va afla neştine

if CL.REFL.3SG AUX.FUT.3SG be.situated.INF someone.NOM bolnav spre moarte (ŞT.1644: 30)

ill.NOM about death

‘if someone is ill, about to die’

d. Aşea trebuie şi acum să afle

like.this must and now SUBJ CL.REFL.3PL be.situated.IND.PRES.3PL

slugi (NL.~1750–66: 11) servants.NOM

‘They must still be servants’

(8) a. sătulul rămase flămând (MC.1620: 121v) full.DEF.NOM remain.PS.3SG hungry.NOM

‘the stuffed one remained hungry’

b. de va vedea că rămâne if AUX.FUT.3SG see.INF that remain.IND.PRES.3SG

sărac (FD.1592–604: 539r) poor.NOM

‘if he sees that he remains poor’

c. iar o parte au rămas

and a part AUX.PERF.3SG remain.PPLE nevândută (DRH.1635: XXIII.85)

NEG-sell.PPLE.F.SG

‘and a part remained unsold’

d. Ştefan-vodă (...) au rămas Stephen voivode AUX.PERF.3SG remain.PPLE

văduvoiu (NL.~1750–66: 21) widower.NOM

‘Stephen-voivode remained widower’

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(9) a. acea tocmală ca stea

that agreement in.order.to SUBJ stay.SUBJ.3SG

întreagă (Prav.1646: 55) intact.F.SG

‘that agreement should be respected (= lit. should remain intact)’

b. Că feciorul lui Marco, Comod, stătu

that son.DEF.NOM GEN Marco Comod stay.IND.PS.3SG împărat (MC.1620: 47v)

emperor.NOM

‘That son of Marco’s, Comod, was emperor’

c. numai inima ce stă întreagă (ŞT.1644: 84)

only heart.F.SG.DEF which stays intact.F.SG

‘only the heart which stays intact’

d. între Nistru şi între Dunăre au

between Dniester and between Danube AUX.PERF.3PL stătut lăcuitori (CIst.1700–50: 30v)

stay.PPLE inhabitants.NOM

‘they inhabited (= lit. they stayed inhabitants of) the area between the Dniester and the Danube’

SOR (2016: 190–191) also mentions the fact that in the passive construction, several lexical variants of the verb ‘be’, with different frequency rates, occurred in the 16th century, and were gradually eliminated in the passage to modern Romanian: a se afla ‘be situated’, a se găsi ‘be found’, a ajunge ‘get’, a rămâne ‘remain’, a sta ‘stay, sit, stand’, a veni ‘come’; they induce a supplementary (dynamic, modal, aspectual) semantic value.

(10) a. unii vinu închişi în

some.M.PL.NOM come.IND.PRES.3PL imprison.PPLE.M.PL in temniţă, alţii vin tăiaţ (FN.1693–704: 94) prison.ACC others.M.NOM come.IND.PRES.3PL cut.PPLE.M.PL

‘some of them are to be imprisoned, others are to be killed / beheaded’

b. s-au găsit scris

CL.REFL.PASS=AUX.PERF.3SG find.PPLE write.PPLE.M.SG

‘It was found written’ (PIst.~1780: 231)

c. Nicio isturie nu să află

no.F.SG chronicle.F.SG.NOM not CL.REFL.PASS find.IND.PRES.3SG

scrisă de cinevaşi (PIst.~1780: 243) write.PPLE.F.SG by somebody-ŞI.ACC

‘there is no written history by anyone at all’

d. Rămăsese neluată de tată-său

remain.PLUPERF.3SG untake.PPLE.F.SG by father.ACC-his/her

‘it remained untaken by his / her father’ (PIst.~1780: 232)

Keeping in mind the behaviour of other change of location and location verbs, we will focus on the verbs a rămâne ‘remain’ and a se afla ‘be situated’ and on their transition from the lexical value to a functional (copulative or aspectual) one.

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3. A RĂMÂNE ‘REMAIN’

The copulative value of the verb ‘remain’ is in use since the earliest attested Romanian writings; the predicative complement is frequently an adjective (11) or a participial adjective (12).

(11) a. Dară vedem în ceastă lume ceşti oameni bogaţi că but see.IND.PRES.1PL in this world these people rich.PL that

de multe ori pierd tot şi

of many times loose.IND.PRES.3PL everything and rămân săraci. (CC1.1567: 146v)

remain.IND.PRES.3PL poor.PL

‘But we see in this world these rich people who often lose everything and remain poor’

b. Şi plângea, căce că rămăsease sângur

and cry.IND.IMPERF.3SG because that remain.IND.PLUPERF.3SG alone în polate. (PI.~1650: 369r)

in rooms

‘And he was crying, because he had remained alone in the small rooms’

c. Şi au rămas porâmbul

and AUX.PERF.3SG remain.PPLE dove.DEF singur. (Sind.1703:100v)

alone

‘And the dove remained alone’

d. că, rămâind locul pustiiu, era

than remain.GER place.DEF empty be.IND.IMPERF.3SG tălhărit mult (NL.~1750-66: 257)

rip.PPLE a lot

‘and, as the place remaining uninhabited, it was often ripped off’

(12) a. şi să rămânem necununaţi (CC2.1581: 90) and .SUBJ remain.SUBJ.1PL unmarried.PL

‘we shall remain unmarried’

b. va rămânea negoţul mieu

AUX.FUT.3SG remain.INF business.DEF my nevândut (Sind.1703:113r)

NEG-sell.PPLE.M.SG

‘my business will remain unsold’

c. ca nu rămâie nici aceasta

in.order.to SUBJ not remain.SUBJ.3SG not this neînsămnată (ULM.~1725:8r)

NEG-mention.PPLE.F.SG

‘in order for this thing not to remain unmentioned’

Followed by a past participle and a by-phrase, a rămâne appears to also function as a passive auxiliary:

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(13) a. socotind ca să nu rămâie vreun unghiu consider.GER that SUBJ not remain.SUBJ.3SG any angle nepipăit de dânsul (ULM.~1725:21r)

NEG=touch.PPLE by him

‘considering that there should not remain an angle untouched by him’

b. nu rămâie vizirul ruşinat

SUBJ not remain.SUBJ.3SG vizier.DEF ashamed de cătră împăratul (NL.~1750-66:179)

by emperor.DEF

‘in order for the vizier not to be ashamed by the emperor’

Yet importantly, not very often, a rămâne takes prepositional phrases as predicative complements:

(14) a. aşa nice voi să nu veţi rămânea

like.this neither you.PL if not AUX.FUT.2PL remain.INF întru Mine (Mol.1689:479)

in Me

‘you will not [be able to have results] if you do not remain in Me’

b. rămâindu sărac şi la mare lipsă şi cu datorii remain.GER poor and at great need and with debts multe (NL.~1750-66: 38)

many

‘remaining poor and in great need and with many debts’

c. binevoiaşte rămâie

wish.IND.PRES.3SG SĂSUBJ remain.SUBJ.3SG fără de păcat (Mol.1689:327)

without of sin

‘he wished to remain without sins’

Our assumption is that this was the switch context for the passage from location to copula. While in (15) a rămâne combines with purely locative prepositional phrases, in (14a,b) a metaphorical transfer took place. Locative ceases referring to concrete objects, going beyond Heine’s first stage of grammaticalization, where the syntactic structure is characterized by concrete source schemas and where the verb has its full lexical meaning and the complement typically refers to a concrete object (Heine 1993: 59).

(15) a. şi or rămânea toţi în ţară (NL.~1750–66: 252) and AUX.FUT.PL remain.INF all in country

‘and they will all remain in the country’

b. şi numai eu sângur pentru voi să rămâiu

and only I alone for you.PLSUBJ remain.SUBJ.1SG la păgâni (NL.~1750-66: 218)

at pagans

‘and I shall remain by myself at the pagans for you’

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In (16), the adjectival predicative complement (vii ‘alive’) and the locative phrase (la tine ‘at you’) cooccur:

(16) cum să rămâne vii la tine (PO.1582:29) how SUBJ remain.SUBJ.3PL alive.PL at you

‘how they shall remain alive with you’

A special type of construction is the one in which a rămâne is followed by a predicative complement realized as a relational noun (domnu ‘voivode’, paşă ‘pasha’), which also cooccurs with a locative prepositional phrase (acolo ‘there’, în Iaşi ‘in Iaşi’):

(17) a. şi în locul lui tu vei rămânea acolo

and in place.DEF his you AUX.FUT.2SG remain.INF there domnu neschimbat (NL.~1750-66: 203)

voivode NEG-change.PPLE.M.SG

‘and you will remain there as an unchanged voivode in his place (= continue to be voivode)’

b. ca scrie veziriul

in.order.to SUBJ write.SUBJ.3SG vizier.DEF SUBJ rămâie el paşă în Iaşi. (NL.~1750–66: 264)

remain.SUBJ.3SG he pasha in Iaşi

‘the vizier should write that he should remain a pasha in Iaşi’

The construction in which a rămâne is followed by a verbal complement shows that it reached stage B in Heine’s (1993) hierarchy. According to Heine (1993: 59), in this stage the complement refers to a dynamic situation rather than to an object-like entity and the verb can take either nominals or non-finite verbs as complements. Moreover, the verbal complement need not be confined to one kind of construction; rather there may be functionally different but competing constructions such as gerundial, participial, or infinitival complements. The complement may also consist of a clausal construction rather than a non-finite verb.

(18) De vreame ce viţelul iaste un bou au o vacă mică, given that calf.DEF is an ox or a cow small.F

puţine fierturi rămân a scrie la vacă few.PL dish.PL remain.IND.PRES.PL AINF CL.REFL write.INF at cow şi la bou mare (CBuc.1749: 33r)

and at ox big

‘Given that the calf is a small ox or cow, only a few dishes are to be mentioned for mature cows and oxen’

4. A SE AFLA ‘BE SITUATED’

The copulative value is in use since the first attested Romanian texts; the predicative complement is frequently an adjective (19) or a participial adjective (20).

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(19) a. atunce adevăr afla-ne-văm then really be.situated.INF=CL.REFL.1PL=AUX.FUT.1PL bogaţi (CC2.1581:326)

rich.PL

‘then we will really be rich’

b. Şi când fu glasul, află-se

and when be.PS.3SG voice.DEF be.situated.IND.PS.3SG=CL.REFL Isus singur (CC2.1581:562)

Jesus alone

‘And when the voice was heard, Jesus was alone’

c. eşti tu mând<r>u, iară alţii that be.IND.PRES.3SG you proud but others află şi mai mândri (A.1620:53v)

CL.REFL be.situated.IND.PRES.3SG and more proud.PL

‘that you are handsome, but other are even prouder’

d. cărora eu mă aflu

which.DAT I CL.REFL be.situated.IND.PRES.1SG dator (Bert.1774: 58v)

indebted

‘to which I am indebted’

(20) a. şi se află sângerată

and CL.REFL be.situated.IND.PRES.3SG stained.with.blood inema lui (FD.1592-604: 513r)

heart.DEF his

‘and his heart is stained with blood’

b. de ne vom afla îmbrăcaţ,

if CL.REFL AUX.PERF.1PL be.situated.INF dress.up.PPLE nu goli (SVI.~1670:154r)

not undressed

‘if we are to be dressed up, not undressed’

The predicative complement realized as a prepositional phrase is also attested.

However, in contrast to a rămâne, for a se afla this context does not seem to have played a crucial role in the passage from location to copula.

(21) a. el fără teamă se află şi

he without fear CL.REFL be.situated.IND.PRES.3SG and cu îndrăznire (CC2.1581:148)

with daring

‘he is brave and courageous’

b. după ce se află fără păcate (CC2.1581:519)

after CL.REFL be.situated.IND.PS.3SG without sins

‘after he was without sins’

Rarely, a se afla takes nominal predicative complements:

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(22) a. Aşea trebuie şi acum like.this should and now SUBJ CL.REFL

afle slugi, slujască

be.situated.IND.PRES.3PL servant.PL SUBJ serve.SUBJ.3PL stăpânului (NL.~1750-66: 11)

master.DEF.DAT

‘They should be servants now too, to serve the master’

b. aflându-să neprieteni împărăţiii despre be.situated.GER=CL.REFL unfriend.PL emperors.DEF from această margine (NL.~1750-66: 47)

this edge

‘the emperors of this edge not being friends’

Followed by a past participle and a by-phrase, a se afla seems to also function as a passive auxiliary:

(23) a. Află-se scris la un letopiseţ sârbescu

find.IND.PS.3SG=CL.REFL write.PPLE at a chronicle Serbian de Azarie călugărul (ULM.~1725: 15v)

by Azarie monk.DEF

‘This was written by Azarie the monk in a Serbian chronicle’

b. şi semne prin stânci de piatră în doao locuri and signs in rocks of stone in two places află făcute de Laslău craiul

CL.REFL find.IND.PRES.3SG make.PPLE by Laslău prince.DEF

‘and in two places there are signs on the rocks made by Prince Laslău’

(ULM.~1725: 4v) c. aceasta poveste nu să află însămnată

this story not CL.REFL find.IND.PRES.3SG mention.PPLE de Ureche (ULM.~1725: A1f8)

by Ureche

‘this story is not mentioned by Ureche’

The identification of the switch context is more complicated than for a rămâne.

Several factors are at play:

(i) the verb a se afla is often synonymous with the verb a fi ‘be’, with all its values (existential, locative, etc.) (see DA, s.v. afla); there are even verbal periphrases where a se afla appears to be equal a fi (24);

(24) a. Acesta unul se află numai având

this one CL.REFL be.situated.IND.PRES.3SG only have.GER simţirile sufletului zdravene (SVI.~1670: 47v)

senses.DEF soul.DEF.GEN sound

‘this one exists only when the senses of the soul are sound’

b. deaca se vrea afla

if CL.REFL AUX.COND.3SG be.situated

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mâniindu-l (SVI.~1670: 214r) get.angry=CL.ACC.M.3SG

‘if he would get him angry’

(ii) the verb a afla (initially a different lexical item, which seems to have influenced its homonymous pair, a se afla) is often used with an object predicative complement;

(25) a. şi află ei destoinici luiş (CC2.1581: 260) and find.IND.PS.3SG them worthy him.DAT

‘and he found them worthy of him’

b. Dentr-o mie de bărbaţi, mulţi aflaiu from=a thousand of men many find.IND.PS.1SG buni (FD.1592-604: 472r)

good.PL.M

‘From a thousand men, I found many of them good’

c. Mearse Lot şi află adurmite pre aceale

go.PS.2SG Lot and find.IND.PS.3SG asleep.PL.F DOM those fiară ce păziia focul. (LC.~1650: 194)

beasts which watch.IMPERF.3PL fire.DEF

‘Lot went there and found the beasts which were supposed to watch the fire asleep’

d. Şi află poarta închisă. (PI.~1650: 337v) and find.IND.PS.3SG door.DEF closed.F

‘and he found the door closed’

(iii) the verb a afla (with the meaning ‘find’) is often used in the se-passive form (cf.

the passive with a se afla ‘be situated’, in (23)).

(26) Întrebă Isus Naviin şi cercă pre toţi ask.PS.3SG Jesus Naviin and test.PS.3SG DOM all şi află Ahar vinovat. (PI.~1650: 257r)

and CL.PASS find Ahar guilty

‘Jesus asked Navin and tested all and Ahar was found guilty’

Given all these factors, we think the following ingredients have been crucial for the switch context:

1. in the se-passive structure (in (26)), the se marker has been reanalysed as an obligatory reflexive morpheme;

2. the lexical meaning of a se afla („be placed”) vs a afla („find out”) collapsed, and the result of this are the contexts such as (27), where an adjectival predicative phrase or a prepositional predicative phrase co-occurs with a locative phrase.

(27) aflară [multe mistuite şi ascunsă]predicative

CL.REFL(PASS) find/be.situated.IND.PS.3PL many burn.up.PPLE and hidden [pen ţară]locative (NL.~1750-66:119)

in country

‘Many things were (found) burned up and hidden in the country’

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5. CONCLUSIONS

In contrast to motion verbs, the location verbs analysed in this paper have not developed two values: the copulative value is attested, whereas the aspectual one is not (see also a sta (‘stay’), which is preserved only with the aspectual value, Boioc Apintei and Dragomirescu 2019).

Even if the two verbs on which we focused in this paper appear to be similar, it may be argued that they underwent different diachronic processes:

(i) a rămâne became a copula in contexts in which the original locative prepositional phrase lost its basic meaning and started referring to more abstract notions, via a metaphorical transfer; a rămâne also started to take verbal complements, a fact which suggests it reached a higher level in Heine’s (1993) hierarchy; the passive auxiliary function could have been of help, since there are no important differences between the passive auxiliary and the copula, except for the complement they take; however, the past participle is a common type of complement, therefore, at least at the surface, the two structures are similar;

(ii) for a se afla, the story is more complicated: a lexical overlap between a se afla (‘be situated’) and a afla (‘find’), the partial synonymy with a fi (‘be’), the frequent usage as a passive auxiliary (which is not to different from the copulative one), the transitive value and the ability to take object predicative complements, the formal overlap between the inherent reflexive (a se afla ‘be situated’) and the reflexive passive of a afla (‘find’), all these factors favoured the emergence of contexts in which a se afla selects a subjective predicative complement.

A common feature of the two processes is that grammaticalization is in a very incipient stage, if we take into consideration Heine’s (1993) criteria for auxiliation. If we consider grammaticalization as a simpler 3/4-step process, involving desemanticization, cliticization, erosion (Heine 1993) / desemanticization, decategorization, coalescence, erosion (Lehmann 1995), these verbs only underwent desemanticization (via metaphorical transfer or sematic overlapping).

SOURCES

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CC1.1567 – Coresi, Tâlcul Evangheliilor. Ed.: Coresi, Tâlcul evangheliilor şi molitvenic românesc, ed. V. Drimba, Bucharest: Editura Academiei Române, 1998, 31–187.

CC2.1581 – Coresi, Evanghelie cu învăţătură. Ed. S. Puşcariu, Al. Procopovici: Diaconul Coresi, Carte cu învăţătură (1581), vol. I, Textul, Bucharest: Socec, 1914.

CIst.1700–50 – Constantin Cantacuzino, Istoria Ţării Româneşti. Ed.: Istoria Ţărâi Rumâneşti atribuită stolnicului Constantin Cantacuzino, ed. O. Dragomir, Bucharest: Editura Academiei Române, 2006, 145–202.

DA – Dicţionarul limbii române, 2010, Tomul I, A–B, Editura Academiei Române.

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PIst.~1780 – Radu Popescu, Istoriile domnilor Ţării Româneşti. Ed. Cronicari munteni, I, ed.

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PO.1582 – Palia de la Orăştie. Ed. V. Pamfil, Bucharest: Editura Academiei, 1968.

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Sind.1703 – Sindipa. Ed. M. Georgescu, Bucharest: Minerva, 1996 (Cele mai vechi cărţi populare în literatura română, 1), 249–315.

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SVI.~1670 – Varlaam şi Ioasaf. Ed.: M. Stanciu Istrate, Reflexe ale medievalităţii europene în cultura română veche: Varlaam şi Ioasaf în cea mai veche versiune a traducerii lui Udrişte Năsturel, Bucharest: Editura Muzeului Naţional al Literaturii Române, 2013, 82–325.

ULM.~1725 – Grigore Ureche, Letopiseţul Ţării Moldovei. Ed. P. P. Panaitescu, Bucharest: Editura de Stat pentru Literatură şi Artă, 1955, 57–210.

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